If you want to understand the
policy of a country, look at the map - as Napoleon recommended.
Anyone who wants to guess
whether Israel and/or the United States are going to attack Iran should look at
the map of the Strait of Hormuz between Iran and the Arabian Peninsula.
Through this narrow waterway,
only 34 km wide, pass the ships that carry between a fifth and a third of the
world's oil, including that from Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and
Bahrain.
* * *
Most of the commentators who
talk about the inevitable American and Israeli attack on Iran do not take
account of this map.
There is talk about a
"sterile", a "surgical" air strike. The mighty air fleet of
the United States will take off from the aircraft carriers already stationed in
the Persian Gulf and the American air bases dispersed throughout the region and
bomb all the nuclear sites of Iran - and on this happy occasion also bomb
government institutions, army installations, industrial centers and anything
else they might fancy. They will use bombs that can penetrate deep into the
ground.
Simple, quick and elegant -
one blow and bye-bye Iran, bye-bye ayatollahs, bye-bye Ahmadinejad.
If Israel attacks alone, the
blow will be more modest. The most the attackers can hope for is the
destruction of the main nuclear sites and a safe return.
I have a modest request:
before you start, please look at the map once more, at the Strait named
(probably) after the god of Zarathustra.
* * *
The inevitable reaction to
the bombing of Iran will be the blocking of this Strait. That should have been
self-evident even without the explicit declaration by one of Iran's highest ranking generals a few days ago.
Iran dominates the whole
length of the Strait. They can seal it hermetically with
their missiles and artillery, both land based and
naval.
If that happens, the price of
oil will skyrocket - far beyond the US$200-per-barrel that pessimists
dread now. That will cause a chain reaction: a world-wide depression, the collapse of whole industries and a catastrophic rise in
unemployment in America, Europe and Japan.
In order to avert this
danger, the Americans would need to conquer parts of Iran - perhaps the whole
of this large country. The US does not have at its disposal even a small part
of the forces they would need. Practically all their land forces are tied down
in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Simple common sense tells us that whoever plans a surprise strike
does not proclaim this from the rooftops. Menachem Begin did not stage public
exercises before sending the bombers to destroy the Iraqi reactor, and even
Ehud Olmert did not make a speech about his intention to bomb a mysterious
building in Syria. |
The mighty American navy is
menacing Iran - but the moment the Strait is closed, it will itself resemble
those model ships in bottles. Perhaps it is this danger that made the navy
chiefs extricate the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln from the
Persian Gulf this week, ostensibly because of the situation in Pakistan.
This leaves the possibility
that the US will act by proxy. Israel will attack, and this will not officially
involve the US, which will deny any responsibility.
Indeed? Iran has already
announced that it would consider an Israeli attack as an American operation,
and act as if it had been directly attacked by the US. That is logical.
* * *
No Israeli government would
ever consider the possibility of starting such an operation without the
explicit and unreserved agreement of the US. Such a confirmation will not be
forthcoming.
So what are all these
exercises, which generate such dramatic headlines in the international media?
The Israeli Air Force has
held exercises at a distance of 1500 km from the Israeli shores. The Iranians have
responded with test firings of their Shihab missiles, which have a similar
range. Once, such activities were called "saber rattling", nowadays
the preferred term is "psychological warfare". They are good for
failed politicians with domestic needs, to divert attention, to scare citizens.
They also make excellent television. But simple common sense tells us that whoever plans a surprise strike
does not proclaim this from the rooftops. Menachem Begin did not stage public
exercises before sending the bombers to destroy the Iraqi reactor, and even
Ehud Olmert did not make a speech about his intention to bomb a mysterious
building in Syria.
* * *
Since King Cyrus the Great,
the founder of the Persian Empire some 2,500 years ago, who allowed the
Israelite exiles in Babylon to return to Jerusalem and build a temple there,
Israeli-Persian relations have their ups and downs.
Until the Khomeini
revolution, there was a close alliance between them. Israel trained the Shah's
dreaded secret police ("Savak"). The Shah was a partner in the
Eilat-Ashkelon oil pipeline which was designed to
bypass the Suez Canal. (Iran is still trying to enforce payment for the oil it
supplied then.)
The Shah helped to infiltrate
Israeli army officers into the Kurdish part of Iraq, where they assisted
Mustafa Barzani's revolt against Saddam Hussein. That operation came to an end
when the Shah betrayed the Iraqi Kurds and made a deal with Saddam. But
Israeli-Iranian cooperation was almost restored after Saddam attacked Iran. In
the course of that long and cruel war (1980-1988), Israel secretly supported
the Iran of the ayatollahs. The Irangate affair was only a small part of that
story.
Iran is now a regional power.
It makes no sense to deny that. The irony of the matter is that
for this they must thank their foremost benefactor in recent times: George W.
Bush. If they had even a modicum of gratitude, they would erect a statue to him
in Tehran's central square.
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That did not prevent Ariel
Sharon from planning to conquer Iran, as I have already disclosed in the past.
When I was writing an in-depth article about him in 1981, after his appointment
as Minister of Defense, he told me in confidence about this daring idea: after
the death of Khomeini, Israel would forestall the Soviet Union in the race to
Iran. The Israeli army would occupy Iran in a few days and turn the country
over to the much slower Americans, who would have supplied Israel well in
advance with large quantities of sophisticated arms for this express purpose.
He also showed me the maps he
intended to take with him to the annual strategic consultations in Washington.
They looked very impressive. It seems, however, that the Americans were not so
impressed.
All this indicates that by
itself, the idea of an Israeli military intervention in Iran is not so
revolutionary. But a prior condition is close cooperation with the US. This
will not be forthcoming, because the US would be the primary victim of the
consequences.
* * *
Iran is now a regional power.
It makes no sense to deny that. The irony of the matter is that
for this they must thank their foremost benefactor in recent times: George W.
Bush. If they had even a modicum of gratitude, they would erect a statue to him
in Tehran's central square.
For many generations, Iraq
was the gatekeeper of the Arab region. It was the wall of the Arab world
against the Persian Shiites. It should be remembered that during the
Iraqi-Iranian war, Arab Shiite Iraqis fought with great enthusiasm against
Persian Shiite Iranians.
When President Bush invaded
Iraq and destroyed it, he opened the whole region to the growing might of Iran.
In future generations, historians will wonder about this action, which deserves
a chapter to itself in "The March of Folly".
Today it is already clear
that the real American aim (as I have asserted in this column right from the
beginning) was to take possession of the Caspian Sea/Persian Gulf oil region
and station a permanent American garrison at its center. This aim was indeed
achieved - the Americans are now talking about their forces remaining in Iraq
"for a hundred years", and they are now busily engaged in dividing
Iraq's huge oil reserves among the four or five giant American oil companies.
But this war was started
without wider strategic thinking and without looking at the geopolitical map.
It was not decided who is the main enemy of the US in the region, neither was
it clear where the main effort should be. The advantage of dominating Iraq may
well be outweighed by the rise of Iran as a nuclear, military and political
power that will overshadow America's allies in the Arab world.
* * *
Where do we Israelis stand in
this game?
For years now, we have been
bombarded by a propaganda campaign that depicts the Iranian nuclear effort as
an existential threat to Israel. Forget the Palestinians, forget Hamas and
Hizbullah, forget Syria - the sole danger that threatens the very existence of
the State of Israel is the Iranian nuclear bomb.
I repeat what I have said
before: I am not prey to this existential Angst. True, life is more pleasant
without an Iranian nuclear bomb, and Ahmadinejad is not very nice either. But
if the worst comes to the worst, we will have a "balance of terror"
between the two nations, much like the American-Soviet balance of terror that
saved mankind from World War III, or the Indian-Pakistani balance of terror
that provides a framework for a rapprochement between those two countries that
hate each other's guts.
* * *
On the basis of all these
considerations, I dare to predict that there will be no military attack on Iran
this year - not by the Americans, not by the Israelis.
As I write these lines, a
little red light turns on in my head. It is related to a memory: in my youth I
was an avid reader of Vladimir Jabotinsky's weekly articles, which impressed me
with their cold logic and clear style. In August 1939, Jabotinsky wrote an
article in which he asserted categorically that no war would break out, in
spite of all the rumors to the contrary. His reasoning: modern weapons are so
terrible, that no country would dare to start a war.
A few days later Germany
invaded Poland, starting the most terrible war in human history (until now),
which ended with the Americans dropping atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Since then, for 63 years, nobody has used nuclear weapons in a war.
President Bush is about to
end his career in disgrace. The same fate is waiting impatiently for Ehud
Olmert. For politicians of this kind, it is easy to be tempted by a last adventure,
a last chance for a decent place in history after all.
All the same, I stick to my
prognosis: it will not happen.
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Note:
The above article is published by Gush Shalom.
 |
Uri
Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with Gush
Shalom. He is one of the writers featured in The Other
Israel: Voices of Dissent and Refusal. He is also a contributor
to CounterPunch's book, The Politics of Anti-Semitism.
Those who want to help out Gush Shalom can email info@gush-shalom.org |
Other
articles by Uri Avnery:
Tibet And Palestine
"Kill A Hundred Turks And Rest"
Clash Of Civilizations?
So What About Iran?
Why James Wolfensohn Quit?
Occupation? What Occupation?
Crocodile Tears
Schoolbooks And Borders
If Arafat Were Alive...
Freedom Ride
Baker's Cake
Call It What It Is: A Massacre
Gaza As Laboratory
The Pope's Evil Legend